How would it be possible, with the logical equipment normally available for the mental circuits of a human being, to understand why a State Minister needs to travel 64 times over a period of eight months to deal with work matters — in a jet that is public property and entirely paid for by you? Without work matters, neither he nor anyone else has the right to use an official airplane to go from point ‘A’ to point ‘B’ anywhere in Brazil or the world — and for it to be a work matter, there must be at least, really at least, some public interest in this whole expense. The 64 trips that the Minister of Justice made from January to August in Brazilian Air Force planes were not to take care of work matters. His propaganda service, also paid for by you, may say they were, but it cannot inform what benefit, even indirect, the citizen received on any of them. If there is no information, it’s clear that there was no work involved.
It is not a minor thing, as the government always says when this kind of story appears in the press. With 64 flights in eight months, the Minister of Justice traveled on public funds once every four days, or something like that. He also spent an endless amount of money. The price of a private jet, on a long-distance flight, is around R$ 100,000 — and the minister frequently travels the Brasília-São Luís route, which is about 2,000 kilometers in flight. He travels in a large jet. Not even God knows the real value of this bill; the Air Force and the Ministry of Justice say it is a state secret. The money is yours. But in practice, it is theirs — and they spend it without giving any explanation to anyone, with the carelessness of Marie Antoinette in the royal court of old . The people don’t have a small jet or a large jet? Then why don’t they go by flying saucer? This is the essence of the Lula government.
Don’t try asking Minister Flávio Dino, the standard PT activist, or the commentators on Globo TV how to explain such a thing — a high-ranking official who travels every four days, without being a pilot, in a country where the government only knows how to complain that it’s ‘out of money’ for anything and needs to charge more taxes. The answer, if any answer comes, will be something like: ‘What about Bolsonaro’s jewels? What about Marielle’s death? What about the genocide">Petrobras. There is Caixa. In total, there are over 600 state-owned enterprises, with salaries of R$ 50,000 per month and upwards, and much further upwards. It’s not just about money. In the same way that they have transformed public service into a provider of salaries of up to R$ 1 million per year for those who are part of the Supreme Commissariat of Government, they act all the time as if the legal authority of the State were a personal asset that each baron of the government exploits as they see fit. The same Flávio Dino, for example, has turned the Ministry of Justice into a police headquarters dedicated to his service—over the last eight months he has not bothered a single criminal but has not stopped repressing political opponents. The most recent outbreak of privatizing the public function came from the president of the Republic’s wife—who has no public function at all, but in practice is worth more than any minister, state-owned enterprise owner, or all three Armed Forces combined.
A video posted on social media showed, a few days ago, Janja looking at a poorly resolved image of the new minister Cristiano Zanin, who has just ed the Supreme Court by appointment from Lula. With a troubled expression, she cleans her glasses to see better—and the image of Zanin, then seen clearly, transforms into Minister André Mendonça, appointed to the Supreme Court by Jair Bolsonaro. Few insults can be more poisonous, in the mind of the hardcore Workers’ Party er, than calling someone a “Bolsonarist”; it’s like cursing one’s mother. But Janja said nothing about the use of her image in the video, nor did she show any kind of solidarity with the minister appointed by her own husband. On the contrary—she found it “funny” and “a bit tragic.” It is very clear whose side she is on: against Zanin and in favor of the firing squad that has already formed against him for not having voted as the left wanted him to vote in his initial decisions. Lula’s wife, in this story, showed how she really sees Brazil. She is convinced that Zanin, by virtue of having been appointed by her husband, has become a private domestic servant who must obey her orders and vote as she wishes. He is not an employee of the Brazilian State; he is a service provider for the presidential couple.
It is a disease, as mentioned above. It’s the stuff of a banana republic dictatorship. It’s what the Maduros and Ortegas of the world do.
very good